'No one knows about human rights better than the Indian army'

There is a simple plan of reform and restriction. As a realist, General Malik has abandoned the grandiose plans of his predecessors of raising force levels from the existing 35 divisions to 45, even 55. This is absurd given the budgetary constraints which have made difficult the sustenance of even the present force. He has, in the face of stiff opposition, ordered a mix of consolidation, reduction and suppression of manpower to cut costs.

The Chandrashekhar committee headed by Lieutenant General Chandrashekhar, now the VCOAS, has recommended downsizing the non-field force by 50,000. He has been asked to implement these cuts over a period of one year. Dovetailed in the Chandrashekhar Plan is the more robust scheme of a 5 per cent suppression in the army's combat force called the field force.

Once implemented, it will result in the 50,000 cut in manpower without affecting, General Malik contends, the "cutting edge of the army." The suppression scheme will maintain the integrity of the field force as it avoids elimination.

On decision making and joint staff

General Malik's major concern is in the sphere of decision-making and the army's marginalisation from national security policy formulation. At the purely operational level, future wars will demand a real-time decision-making apparatus. His favourite mechanism for this is Objective Oriented Decision Action, OODA. Malik says that in the age of information technology, in order to win wars our OODA loop must move faster than the enemy's. It will contain an override principle which will necessarily break the established chain of command.

The army chief worries about the various block of decision-making due to lack of professionalism among bureaucrats in the ministry of defence. He blames them, not so much the politicians, for the military's woes and worries. "Who is responsible for ensuring continuity? Surely the bureaucrats and army."

What the service crave for is political and fiscal guidance from the government and almost plead they be consulted on issues in their domain. The good news, he says, is that he has been assured at the highest level of non-interference. "In any case, I have given orders to my staff not to accept it," he adds.

A beginning has been made with the formation of joint study groups with the ministry of external affairs on China, Pakistan, disarmament and peace-keeping. But this is kindergarten stuff to keep the services in good humour, not really the kind of pro-active interaction future power play demands. General Malik is hopeful the defence minister's committee will be revived. What he doesn't say is that at present Mulayam Singh Yadav's morning meetings are held with party functionaries in Etawah rather than with his service chiefs in South Block.

And what does General Malik think about jointness among the three services and other branches of government? He quotes a US Senate legislation moved by Goldwater-Nicholas in 1987 which mandates joint services experience as a prerequisite to promotion to flag rank and higher command. Alas, in our system such an enactment is conspicuous by its absence.

The chiefs of staff committee is a non-effective assembly of three service chiefs who sit as equals pretending unanimity. The chairman of the chiefs of staff is not even primes inter pares, though it is learnt that the new chairman wants to change this. The rare exception of solidarity was seen while the military was making out its case before the Fifth Pay Commission.

Does General Malik get any joy from the inter-services defence planning staff? Only frustration, because "our systems and structures are not allowed to function."

On human rights and the media

"I'm not at all defensive on human rights. No one knows about human rights better than the Indian army. Our vast experience is about winning the hearts and minds of people. The army prides itself in discipline. Education on human rights is now imparted throughout a soldier's service. Our impeccable UN peace-keeping record speaks for itself. Due to stress and strains of service, aberrations are inevitable and are dealt with."

General Malik was equally forthright on relations with the media. He agreed that the present limitations in contact and communication with the press were excessive. And he is determined to be more open on operation, providing facts and information. Army channels and chains of command are such they don't lend to spontaneity or speed of dissemination.

It is clear General Malik aims to fight forcefully in his battle to balance the budget. His job is to get the money. Ideally, he would like a 3-per-cent-of-GDP commitment for defence from the government. He is confident the government will co-operate once he has presented his reform and restricting package to the prime minister by the end of October.

General Malik is conscious of the knocks the army is taking over shortages of officers and on problems of morale and welfare of soldiers. He says he has been meeting troops informally in J&K and the North-East. He wants JCOs to take over greater responsibility to tide over the shortage of officers. He does not think there is any serious threat to the morale of troops. Many might disagree with General Malik on this.

To restore Op preparedness, the army must gradually disengage from LIC including high-intensity militancy and prepare for HIC. The CPO and PMF should fill the voids.

Behind the success story of the new occupant of Whitegates is Dr Ranjana Malik, an army doctor, who took over as president of the Army Wives Welfare Association and the Human Rights for Soldiers chapter of the army. Together they hope to take the Indian army into the 21st century. For this, they will require gumption, courage and luck.

-- Major General Ashok Mehta (retired)

Kind courtesy: Sunday magazine